For the last few days, profile information resources have been concerned with a latent question: who was meant by Vladimir Putin when he spoke of real estate and accounts abroad? Some interesting points have been demonstrated. The President has fully returned to his old friends from the energy-power elite.
Against bribery as idea
The intrigues around Rosneft have stopped: everything - to Sechin, nothing – to Medvedev, Dvorkovich, and Shuvalov. It is significant that the tendency of underlined convergence with the enforcement power wing of the elite began being showed after policy speech on December 12. On the other hand, leaders of A Just Russia or close to it continue to be seen as “scapegoats”. A Just Russia deputy Oleg Mikheev can soon lose deputy immunity. The Investigative Committee has already prepared and intends to transmit a corresponding appeal to the Chairman of the State Duma Sergey Naryshkin in the near future.
The International Anti-Corruption Day on December 9 and the day of the Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly on December 12 were separated from each other by only two days this year. Perhaps, such close proximity was not accidental. In his speech, the president called corruption phenomenon, destroying “a resource of national development”, the main problem preventing citizens’ confidence to the state. The gulf between the society and the state threatens to finally break the country into “us” and “them”; and upon a closer view, it already reminds the “cold civil war”. And the main dividing force is bribery at various levels, which has become a kind of ugly, “shadow national idea”. Sometimes the total bribery even are justified … by needs of Russian economy! All this is particularly accentuated in the president's speech and in details retold by the media.
However, in recent months, intensification of the fight against this Russian evil is spoken about more than the predicted end of the world. Moreover, there are “rumors” that the current campaign is not a campaign at all but a real “purge of stuff”. As the officials who were fired and those who are in the process of being fired now are very high-ranking. Newswires of federal and regional media are full of headlines about “disclosure”, “corruption scandals”, trials and sentences with confiscation and remind ones of bulletins from the front: who, when, and how much. Ministry of Defence, Agroleasing, GLONASS, Roscosmos ... - each day brings new names and new sums monstrous in terms of an ordinary average citizen.
“Feudal princes” in defense
Perhaps the only thing that gives hope for reality of the anti-corruption intentions. It is shifting the center of gravity of the “combing out” from the federal level (a large-scale one but far from mass everyday life) to a local level. “In the Saratov region, 68 criminal cases on corruption have been opened ... In 2012, the law enforcement authorities revealed more than 1,750 corruption crimes, the prosecutor of the Tyumen region said ... For 11 months of the current year, 98 facts of bribery by officials have been revealed in the region, as it is reported in the Samara region”. The electronic and print media are full of such messages. Meanwhile, many warmed local “feudal princes” are in full confidence that they will not affect by what is happening: they think that it is just to talk, to put a couple of “outsiders” in prison only for frightening to calm down people and raise the ratings, and to settle down on it...
Some of regional bosses decided to play it safe or substitute themselves by someone from “neighbors”. For example, in the Ulyanovsk region (whose administration is traditionally famous for running ahead of the engine and instant response to any hint of the federal government), they said that - in addition to establish in 2009 the Commissioner's Anti-Corruption Office - each officer will be put in charge of another special “superviser” . Meanwhile, in the territory controlled by the governor Sergey Morozov, there is a genuine explosion of local significance. There are a few significant investigations on corruption cases in the area now.
For example, the ex-General Director of Kometa Michail Mordovin, according to investigators, using his official position, bought shares of the company for personal purposes gain. But this is the least large-scale episode. The affairs of the very management of Sergey Morozov are developing much tougher. A criminal case on “receiving a bribe by an organized group of individuals, with bribe extortion” has opened against the Minister of Construction of the Government of the Ulyanovsk region Mikhail Shkanov. Ildus Yusupov has been appointed head of the City Committee of road facilities, amenities and transport. Who, as prosecutors of the Ulyanovsk region found out, “concealed information about the fact that in 2005, the court of Naberezhnye Chelny found him guilty in committing a crime stipulated by the Article of the Criminal Code of Russia “Inciting intentional injury to two persons”.
It is reported that Ramis Gibatdinov has been appointed chief of the Corruption Prevention Department of the Directorate on work with law enforcement bodies and public associations of Ulyanovsk. Meanwhile, the prosecutor's office found that on March 19, 2007, the Ulyanovsk Regional Court found Gibatdinov guilty of attempted fraud (Part 3. 30, Part 3. 159 of the Criminal Code). Senior Assistant of the Prosecutor of the Ulyanovsk region Vasily Zima informed the media about the fact. According to him, it is particularly noteworthy is that “corruption fighter himself was a bribe-taker”. It remains to see what practical measures Governor Morozov will take.
All in all, the struggle continues.
In 2003 the tape scripts of the alleged recording of telephone communications between head of Rosneft Sergey Bogdanchikov and head of the office of Russia's President Igor Shuvalov appeared on the internet. The interlocutors discussed with Stanislav Belkovsky, a political expert, possibilities and chances of picking on Khodorkovsky. Political ambitions and plans of the oligarch filled the Kremlin with apprehension.
Source: Utro.Ru, 4 August 2004
Sechin was reported to have been able to show whatever he wanted to the President. Some believe it was Sechin who brought in a report of the Council for National Strategy think tank. Published in May 2003 by Stanislav Belovsky, the report “Russia faces the oligarchs’ takeover” dealt with the internal affairs of Russia. Some analysts say the report was part of a “smear campaign” against head ofYUKOS company Mikhail Khodorkovsky. They claim that anti-oligarch report of the Council was initiated by the siloviki group (high-ranking former officers of the KGB and other security agencies), namely Sechin’s group and the group of the then Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov.
Source: Izvestya, 9 June 2006
In 2003 a struggle between two factions inside the Kremlin - «old-timers» (led by head of the Staff of the President Aleksandr Voloshin) and «new-comers» (led by Sechin) - was in the focus of attention. Voloshin was reported to back Khodorkovsky. Late in October 2003 he resigned after the arrest of Khodorkovsky. Sechin, an alleged “eminence grise” behind all what happened, did not leave his office, Dmitry Medvedev appointed to Voloshin's post (head of the Staff of the President).
Source: Vedomosti, 3 November 2003
Sechin was deeply involved in the economic policy of Russia. In 2003 he counteracted the attempt to carry out governmental reform of Gazprom holding, the company supervised by Medvedev.
Some analysts claimed that Sechin and president of Rosneft Sergey Bogdanchikov stood up for the criminal prosecution of YUKOS oil-company. On September 2, 2003, Gleb Pavlovsky, head of Foundation for Effective Policy think-tank, publicized a memorandum in his Russian Magazine. According to the paper, Bogdanchikov and Sechin were in charge of the YUKOS case. There were reports, that at the same time in 2003 Sechin offered Mikhail Kasyanov to support the attack against YUKOS in exchange to the presidential post in 2008.
Source: Kommersant-Vlast, 1 December 2003.
Igor Sechin's interest in the conflict between Sergey Bogdanchikov and YUKOScan be explained by the fact that Sergey Bogdanchikov was affiliated with head ofMezhprombank Sergey Pugachov. They had established a joint enterprise (withMezhprombank), called Russian Coil. The same bank financed politically significantRosneft project of oil production in Chechnya. Mezhprombank was the bank of St Petersburg team (people from St Petersburg who got high positions after Putin came to power). Sechin was in this team.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 17 July 2003
The majority of analysts considered Sechin's joining Rosneft as a preparation to get hold of the assets of YUKOS. According to the reports, Sechin's nomination to a high position at Rosneft was indirect evidence that it was he who spearheaded the company to capture YUKOS.
Source: Moskovskiye novosti, 30 July 2004
Sechin's daughter Inga have had something to do with the Moscow's branch ofSurgutneftegazbank since 2004. The banks core shareholder (94.152%) isSurgutneftegaz oil and gas company. Neither Moscow's branch ofSurgutneftegazbank, no the bank's main office gave comments on the situation or confirmed that Sechin's daughter was a shareholder or an employee.Surgutneftegaz's head of PR department Yury Gushchin told journalists that at the time of Boris Yeltsin's presidency there had been nothing wrong in participation of the relatives of those in high eschelons in business, but times changed when Putin came to power. Inga Sechina's husband is Dmitry Ustinov (she became Mrs Ustinov in 2003). Dmitry is a son of former Prosecutor General of Russia. Recently he has joined the Staff of Russia's Presidently. Coincidentally Sechin is in charge of personnel policy at Ustinov's new place of employment.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 2 August 2007
In September 2006 Andrey Patrushev, head of the FSB Nikolay Patrushev's son, became an advisor to chairman of the board of Rosneft Sechin.
Source: Kommersant, 13 August 2006
Sechin’s economic and administrative might became apparent whenVneshekonombank (VEB) “acquired” 50% stake in Tomskneft from Rosneft, a mysterious deal which took place in 2003. Rosneft (Sechin is the chairman of the board) bid for the office building of YUKOS, but lost to previously unknown company Prana, which paid 100.9 m roubles ($3.4 m) for the asset.
Later on, Rosneft managed to buy the office from Prana. The refiner decided to sell 50% stake in Tomskneft to VEB in order to realize necessary $3.4 m. But what happened next was a mishap. Rosneft made a statement that the deal had been secured, half of Tomsneft gone to the bank and the money received. On the contrary, VEB made a statement that it had not bought anything. As a result the bank's supervisory board (which sits minister of finance Aleksey Kudrin and minister of economic development and trade German Gref) turned down the deal.
According to a source in Vneshekonombank, brothers Kovalchuk were a force behind Prana. Rossiya bank's chairman of the board Yury Kovalchuk had institutedOzero co-operative society (together with Vladimir Putin). Eventually he became a largest shareholder of Rossiya bank, the bank considered to be a financial stronghold of the president's friends from St Petersburg.
During the period when Rosneft was looking for the money to buy YUKOS' office, Igor Sechin rang up Vladimir Dmitriyev, the bank's chairman. Such telephone call left no doubts that the acqusition of 50% in Tomskneft had been approved at the very top. But when the situation reached ears of Gref and Kudrin, it became obvious that there was no consensus pertaining the deal. According to the sorce, Gref replied: «You have attacked the wrong bank…» After that it was decided that the bank would play back, but Rosneft already made a statement about the deal and the receit of money.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 2 August 2007
In 2007 the media published articles about a number of Petersburgers who had long-standing good relations with Sechin and, according to some sources, thanks of this acquaintance, were appointed to high-level positions. Among them were such people as Defense Minister, Anatoly Serdyukov (February 2007); the head of the Central Election Commission, Vladimir Churov (March 2007); and Chairman of the Investigating Committee at the Prosecutor's Office, Alexander Bastrykin (September 2006).
Source: Kommersant, 22 June 2007
Media linked Sechin to the situation surrounding the oil company Russneft and its former president Mikhail Gutseriyev. On July, 30, 2007 Gutseriyev voluntarily resigned from his presidential position. According to some sources, on the same day Russneft was scheduled to be sold to a holding company Basic Element owned by Oleg Deripaska, but this did not happen. Allegedly a third party interfered with in the execution of the deal. On July, 31, 2007 100 percent of Russneft shares were arrested and on August, 28, 2007 the Tver court of Moscow arrested Gutseriyev in absentia. Later the entrepreneur, according to some unconfirmed reports, asked the British authorities for political asylum. Deripaska personally cleared the purchase of Russneft with President Putin and some of the presidential administration officials. The media reported that the third force to the situation was Sechin since he had an interest in Russneft.
Source: Kommersant, 29 August 2007
In November-December 2007 the media published an interview with the co-owner and president of financial-industrial group Finansgrupp, Oleg Shvartsman. In the interview Shvartsman told about the business he headed in which relatives of people employed in the power unit of the presidential administration were involved. He also mentioned the possible establishment of a state corporationSocial Investment and spoke about weaning private assets in the "velvet re-privatization." When answering a journalist’s question about who instructed those who Shvartsman worked for, he replied: “The party! ... And for us the party is represented by the power unit, which is headed by Igor Sechin.”
The publication of this article caused a huge scandal. Sechin’s reaction to the article is unknown.
Source: Gzt.ru, 04 December 2007
In December 2008 the US newspaper The New York Times presented Sechin in one of its articles as the main raider in Russia who organized takeovers "sometimes to the benefit of the state, or sometimes to the benefit of companies that are friendly to him.” The newspaper told the story of Sechin taking interest to the situation around the company Uralkali after an accident at one of its mines in Berezniki. Sechin threatened to impose high fines on Uralkali that could cripple the company's work and the government refused to the company owner’s proposal to offset some of the damage caused by the accident. The New York Timesinterpreted the two facts as evidence that the Kremlin wanted to entirely takeUralkali over.
Source: The New York Times, 07 December 2008
In February 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin lobbied for the appointment of a person close to him as first CEO Deputy of IDGC Holding JSC, which controlled the power delivery network. The mentioned person was Nikolai Shvets, a former adviser to the head of Russian Technologies, Sergey Chemezov. The holding CEO, Alexander Kazakov, three times refused to hire Shvets. In the beginning of the last week of February allegedly Vladimir Putin personally telephoned Kazakov and asked him why he was leaving work. Putin had on his table a decree on Kazakov’s resignation. At that moment the decree was not yet signed.
Kazakov replied that he had no intention to leave, and that someone around him was plotting. The Prime Minister allegedly reassured Kazakov and told him to continue working and not to worry. On February, 26, Kazakov was dismissed from work and Nikolai Shvets became head of IDGC Holding JSC.
Source: Newsweek, 10 March 2009
In February 2010 the media published an article by Andrey Odinets about Russia's interests in Latin America that claimed the existence of links between Russian investments in the economies of several countries in the region and support that these countries showed to Russian politics. Sechin harshly criticized the publication and, in particular, flatly rejected the assertion that Russia could encourage investment in the Latin American economy in exchange for recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, calling the assertion biased and aimed at the jeopardizing confidence in Russia.
Source: Kommersant, 15 February 2010
At the end of March 2011 President Medvedev announced that all the vice-premiers and ministers of the Russian government must withdraw from the boards of directors of state companies by mid-summer 2011. On April, 11, 2011 Sechin resigned as board chairman of Rosneft, but remained on the board until the annual meeting of shareholders.
Source: Marker, 11 April 2011
In 2009 Arkady Dvorkovich’s brother Mikhail Dvorkovich joined Mirax Groupcompany as an advisor to the president of the board of directors Sergey Polonsky.
Source: RBK daily, 2 February 2010
At the end of 2010 Mikhail Sukhov, chief inspector of the Central Bank of Russia, was reelected to the board for the second 5 year term. His nomination was approved by the Staff of the President by mediation of banker Igor Kogan. The official approval from the Staff of the President was easily received thanks for help of Igor Kogan's friend and advisor to the president Arkady Dvorkovich.
Source: Vek, 2 March 2011
At the beginning of 2010, chief owner and manager of United Company Rusal (Russian aluminium company) Oleg Deripaska proved he could rival and win market economy. His success was stipulated by two factors. First of all, United Company Rusal became an ancor investor of state-run Vnesheconombank (Bank for development and foreign economic affairs) after having invested over $600m in the bank's shares. Secondaly, German Gref, deputy chairman of state-ownedSberbank, announced his bank was ready to refinance (mutually withVnesheconombank) UC Rusal's $4.5b debt.
This anti-market step was advocated and carried out by an ideologist of Medvedev’s modernisation, advisor to the president Arkady Dvorkovich. It was he who brought “good news” to Sberbank and Vnesheconombank shareholders about the plans to help Rusal “a little”. Dvorkovich flew to Hong Kong to attend official enlisting of UC Rusal on HKEX (According to Russian mafia internet portal, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange at least twice refused Rusal to file 10% of shares for IPO10%).
Source: Vedomosti, 26 January 2010
These are the alleged airplanes which Arkady Dvorkovich used to travel:
5 December 2010 Karlsruhe-Baden-Baden. Amira Air airlines (flight OE-HRR);
2 January 2011 Krasnodar. Meridian airlines (flight RA-65798);
23 January 2011 Innsbruck. Moskovskoye Nebo airlines (flight OE-IIC);
11 February 2011 Ufa. Sirius-Aero airlines (flight RA-65604);
17 February 2011 Krasnoyarsk. Jet Aviation Business Jet airlines (flight VP-BNO).
We only know for sure what Dvorkovich did in Ufa - he attended State Council meeting which the president chaired. We did not find any reports about the official events Dvorkovich might have attended on these dates. One interesting thing is that Gulfstream V airplane of Jet Aviation Business Jet airlines (number VP-BNO) is constantly used by Oleg Deripaska to flight to different cities, including Krasnoyarsk.
Besides that we found video dated 2 December. Dvorkovich gave a comment to Dozhd TV channel on Russia’s winning the bid to host 2018 World Football Cup. He was interviewed on Skype at the background which looked more like an European hotel than an office in Kremlin or Moscow's White House (headquarters of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia).
Source: Novaya Gazeta, 24 April 2011
Shuvalov’s career began to develop rapidly after a crucial meeting with the hereditary attorney Alexander Mamut. The circumstances of their acquaintance are not clear, but soon Shuvalov joins the law office "ALM", which stands for "Aleksandr Leonidovich Mamut". There he communicates with the significant people of the Russian business, got acquainted with Boris Berezovsky and Roman Abramovich. Soon Shuvalov became the director of the law office and in 1997 under the patronage of Mamut, Shuvalov was appointed the head of one of the departments in the Federal Committee of the Management of State Property.
Mamut appointed Shuvalov not for nothing, but for some selfish purposes. The privatization was in full swing and the bank of Mamut – the "Company on Project financing" - took part in competitions. The State Property Committee was headed by Alfred Koch at that time, who soon resigned. Immediately thereafter, Shuvalov became the deputy minister, and in May 1998 he was appointed to the post of Koch – again Mamut helped with the assistance of his longtime friend the Prime Minister Sergei Kiriyenko (Mamut’s bank credited subsidiary to Kiriyenko company “NORSI-oil”).
Shuvalov actively developed privatization plans, and at the same time he was engaged in the department discipline. And soon he joined the government office, thanks to a new patron – the head of the presidential administration Alexander Voloshin.
Shuvalov got acquainted with Voloshin in August 1998 when they both entered the working group by the acting Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. Finding the new patron, Shuvalov refused to cooperate with Mamut. The latter still takes offence on him.
The story with Shuvalov's appointment on the post of the head of the government office was very interesting. It was reported that Voloshin and Mikhail Kasyanov agreed to include the presidential proteges Alexey Kudrin and Herman Gref in the composition of the government, so that they could appoint Shuvalov instead.
Shuvalov introduced strict regulations and a single computer database in the government office. There were even talks that he forced his subordinates to learn the Constitution aloud. He also held an examination of the staff checking their knowledge of their authorities.
Gradually, Shuvalov became a kind of informal deputy prime minister because many trusted him and listened to him. Shuvalov even made his own corrections to the documents prepared by ministries. Finally, the Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov got bored with this situation, he felt uncomfortable. Therefore, a new post was invented to Shuvalov (everyone agreed upon this post) – an Assistant to the President - that is, he was under the supervision and away from serious issues.
Source: "Profil" from 25.08.2003
Kasyanov himself motivated Shuvalov’s dismissal by the fact that he, according to Kasyanov, spent too much time on the problems of the individual businessmen and on the country real estate issues.
Source: "APN" from 31.10.2003
Perhaps Kasyanov’s assumptions were not groundless because in April 2003 the Prosecutor's Office examined the information on the acquisition of large estate property by Shuvalov. The question about his property occurred during the audit of the State Investment Corporation, dissolved by presidential decree in February 2003.
According to the investigators, shortly before the elimination of the State Investment Corporation, the country residence "Zarechie-4" on Skolkovskoye highway was transferred to the ownership of the companies controlled by Shuvalov,. The cost of the residence, however, was really paid to the management of the State Investment Corporation. According to one version, the sponsor of the transaction was the State Duma deputy from the LDPR (the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia) Suleiman Kerimov, who was close to Shuvalov. But the means, nevertheless, have never reached the corporation fund.
Source: "APN" 11.04.2003
Despite the new position, Shuvalov aimed at the chair of Kasyanov. He made new friends - the first deputy chief of the president office - Dmitry Kozak and the Head of the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade Herman Gref and Shuvalov expected their help.
Source: "APN" from 31.10.2003
According to the rumors, Shuvalov was an active initiator of the resignation of Dmitri Rogozin, a special representative in Kaliningrad. He was not involved in the problems of the enclave, but his statements only aggravated the assumptions of the citizens of Kaliningrad that it was decided a long time ago to "sell" Kaliningrad to Europe. Shuvalov was involved in the development of the Kaliningrad Oblast, and Rogozin’s behavior could not please him.
Source: Pircenter.org from 10.11.2003
The unpleasant story was connected with the stepsister of Shuvalov, Elena Lebova-Shuvalova. She held the post of the director of the Children Activity Center “Istok” (i.e. “Source”) from April 2001, and both the parents and the teachers were very dissatisfied with her. Once Lebova-Shuvalova drank together with children at her lesson of the theatrical skill. Well, she even started her directorship with a grand banquet. At the same time, when Lebova-Shuvalova was appointed to the post of the Center director, the curator of the Center "Istok" Maya Shuklina got the flat from the municipality - perhaps it was not a coincidence.
Lebova-Shuvalova told her colleagues that her stepbrother was then a big boss, so she would arrange her orders and there was no use in complaining. By mentioning her brother, she also dismissed the claims of the officials from the municipality, no one wanted to communicate with her, so they didn’t even arrange any inspections in the Center.
And there was something worth of inspecting – Lebova-Shuvalova dismissed many people with violations of the law, she conducted paid lessons having no commercial licenses, and committed many other violations of the law. Parties were regular at the Children Activity Center. Parents had a poor choice: either they could enroll their children in activity centers far from their homes, or turn a blind eye to her tyranny.
Source: “B-F.Ru” from 22.11.2004
A funny episode which happened in the spring of 2004, was associated with the wife of Shuvalov Olga. Arriving at a beauty salon of Sergei Zverev, Olga lost a gold ring with diamonds. After an unsuccessful search, she turned to the police. The best officers were involved in the search, the salon was turned upside down, but the ring has never been found.
Source: "Komsomolskaya Pravda" from 27.04.2007
The case of the theft was tied up, that’s why Shuvalova was too lazy to appear later for questioning.
Source: “Komsomolskaya Pravda" from 27.04.2007
In 2007, Shuvalov told the reporters about an interesting episode, that he witnessed when he worked as a political consultant in the Ukraine in 2001. Ex-minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukraine Yuriy Lutsenko in the presence of Shuvalov proposed to Marat Gelman, the supporter of Viktor Yushchenko in the presidential election campaign, to buy compromising evidence on the daughter of Viktor Yushchenko Vitalina. According to Shuvalov, Lutsenko brought documents proving that Vitalina’s education was paid by the bank "Ukraine" (later this data was announced during the election campaign of Yushchenko). Lutsenko asked Gelman 8,000 dollars for these documents. Shuvalov didn’t tell how this story ended, as he said he was not aware of it himself.
Source: Information Agency “Rosbalt-Ukraine" from 10.04.2007
In 2008, Shuvalov, as an assistant to the president of Russia, made suggestions on the new structure of the federal executive bodies. He was entrusted to develop an algorithm of the interaction between the office of the future Prime Minister Putin and the administration of the future President Medvedev.
Source: “Kommersant”, 13.03.2008
As a vice-premier, Shuvalov did much for the common customs area, creating the Customs Union of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. He decided to take out the customs control to the external borders of the Union since July 2011, and he also agreed on a unified customs tariff rates. He also managed to pacify the Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, who was not satisfied with many of the customs terms, and who called "to stop bowing to Russia". Shuvalov reconciled the conflict, he created a national regime for some groups of the Belarusian goods for the acquisition by the Russian government and state corporations, solved many other problems.
Source: "Kommersant» № 96 (4151) from 30.05.2009
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum in 2008, Shuvalov made a sensational statement that the Russian economy could become the sixth economy in the world by the end of 2008. It was said that his statement even eclipsed the speech of the President Medvedev.
Source: Annex to the newspaper “Kommersant-Petersburg” № 97 (4152) from 02.06.2009
In 2009, Shuvalov headed the organizing committee supporting Russia's bid to conduct the Footbal World Cup in 2018.
Source: "Kommersant» № 190 (4245) from 13.10.2009
At the same time he headed a commission of the economic development and integration (earlier Shuvalov headed anti-crisis commission of the Government).
Source: "Kommersant» № 240 (4295) from 23.12.2009
In 2009, Shuvalov played the role of the chief agent of the government to rescue Tolyatti company “AvtoVAZ”. In order to survive in the crisis, the company's management decided to arrange employment layoffs of the workers. Shuvalov went to Tolyatti with an inspection, refuted the official information about the dismissals on the plant, spoke about another multibillion package of state aid to the company, was also engaged in the persuasion of Renault to allocate money to “AvtoVAZ”.
Source: Magazine “Vlast” № 3 (857) from 25.01.2010
In 2010 Shuvalov supported the abolition of the taxation of profits in health and education spheres. According to his suggestion, a private business connected with the moulding of the human capital should be supported, and the abolition of the taxes would be very welcome.
Source: “Kommersant” № 10 (4310) from 22.01.2010
In the spring of 2010 Shuvalov signed a document in which the state refused to allow the joint-stock companies with the state participation not to pay dividends. The reason for signing the document was that the company "Svyazinvest" and "Sheremetyevo" used net profit to increase payments to staff and management. Shuvalov supported the abolition of the anti-crisis measures and the return of the lost profit to the state budget.
Source: "Kommersant» № 65 (4365) from 14.04.2010
In May 2010 Shuvalov supported the view of Vladimir Putin that the recommendation of the International University Sports Federation (FISU) to increase the area of the constructing Village of the Universiade 2013 should not be done. Shuvalov heads the organizing committee of the Universiade, and as the head of it, he decided to use the hotels and dormitories for the expansion of athletes’ accommodation, rather than spending extra money as the University Sports Federation proposed.
Source: Kommersant (Kazan) № 80 (4378) from 07.05.2010
Shuvalov also instructed the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Economy, the Federal Antimonopoly Service to prepare amendments to the law "On state procurements". He suggested returning to the prequalification of the suppliers when ordering scientific researches and procurement of the high technology products. Earlier the main criterion for selecting the company was the proposed prices for their goods.
Source: "Kommersant» № 81 / B (4381) from 05.11.2010
In the middle of 2010 Shuvalov gave a direct order to the officials to soften in respect of the oil industry workers in the conflict over petrol prices. The Federal Antimonopoly Service afterwards reduced the fine imposed on “Rosneft” for inflated gasoline prices. Shuvalov called to fight not with the specific companies, but with the violations.
Source: "Kommersant» № 102 (4402) from 09.06.2010
On the Day of the competition in Suzdal Shuvalov claimed that you do not need to fight against “Transneft” and “Gazprom” as they are the leaders in development and the tremendous resources of the economy. At the same time Shuvalov called to develop the competition in the oil sphere. Though, he didn’t explain how it can be combined with the preservation of actual monopolies.
Source: Magazine “Vlast” № 23 (877) on 14.06.2010
In July 2010 at a meeting of the Ukrainian journalists with the chairman of the Security Service of the Ukraine Valery Horoshovsky, the journalists complained that Shuvalov manages the information policy in the Ukrainian TV channel "Inter". Horoshovsky confirmed that Shuvalov gives advice to TV channel, but promised to check whether a foreign citizen Shuvalov is employed in the Ukraine on legal grounds.
Source: Kommersant Ukraine № 124 from 23.07.2010
In 1988 Naryshkin was appointed to serve in Brussels a member of the staff of Economic Adviser of the USSR Embassy in Belgium. One of the diplomats, who worked in the embassy in Brussels in the late 80s, said about Naryshkin that there was nothing definite that could be said about the man, except that he "seems to have been "a neighbor ". In diplomatic slang, the word "neighbor" means a man who works for security agencies. "Near neighbours" are those from the KGB, "remote neighbours" are those from the GRU.
Judging by the fact that Naryshkin was sent to Brussels, he has a good reputation in the agency he worked for. It has always been considered most prestigious in intelligence to work in Western Europe, and especially in Brussels where the headquarters of NATO are located.
Source: Profile, February 2007
In March 2006 at a press conference in Paris Naryshkin, commenting on the progress of the criminal case against the former owner of Yukos, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, admitted that the so-called Yukos case had affected the perception of Russia by foreign investors. He also expressed hope that the case be the last of its kind
Source: IA Rosbalt, 03 June 2005
In December 2006, Naryshkin, summing up the intermediate results of the administrative reform, told the media that he considered the elimination of corruption through the introduction of stringent administrative regulations for all state employees as his main task.
Source: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 27 December 2006
In autumn 2010 it was reported about an attempt to get compensation for a large amount of VAT from the budget. Law enforcers suspected friends of Mikhail Mishustin, the head of FTS of Russi,a and FNS staff. Andrey Khorev, Deputy Head of the Department of Economic Security (DES) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, organized pre-investigation checks so that there would be no cases initiated against firms of Mishustin. However, he failed to completely hush up the scandal, and the leadership of the Russian Interior Ministry wanted to get rid of General Khorev whose reputation was tarnished.
To resolve this conflict, Mikhail Mishustin introduced General Khorev to Sergei Naryshkin, whom he had been friends with for several years, and asked his friend to help the general. Naryshkin, while under an incredible influence of Mishustin, agreed to help.
After a conversation between Naryshkin and Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev, Khorev kept his job. All these details were supposed to remain a secret, but Khorev disclosed the information and blabbed it to a few confidants, thereby letting down Sergei Naryshkin.
Source: The Moscow Post, 10 March 2011
In December 2010 Gatchina city court arrested Aleksander Tabachkov, the former CEO and co-owner of Gatchina distillery, on charges of extortion and money laundering.
According to investigators, Tabachkov embezzled over 15 million rubles from the government. In 2008, the distillery received a target-specific loan from the Government of Leningrad region. The loan was issued for the purchase of grain for further processing. Money passed through the accounts of several firms, and Tabachkov provided Finance Committee of Leningrad region with forged documents about spending the allocated public funds.
Tabachkov was also a co-founded of Bodegas Makhas and Bodegas Vinos that trade in alcoholic beverages. After the arrest of Tabachkov, control over Bodegas Vinos was in the hands of his business partners, Michail and Yelena Yakubchik who were close relatives of Naryshkin.
Anonymous sources claimed that Tabachkov began to have troubles with law enforcement authorities just after his working relations with Yelena Yakubchik became tense. It was assumed that Naryshkin did not ask to put anyone in prison and just advised to sort things out.
Source: Your Tainy Sovetnik № 47, 13 December 2010
Media published the words of Dmitri Vasilchuk and in particular him stating that Khorev paid Naryshkin fifty million dollars to keep his job.
Source: Parity Press, 05 May 2011
In 2010 after St Petersburg newspaper Vash Tainy Sovetnik mentioned in its articles the interests of the Naryshkins in the alcohol market, it closed for the New Year vacation, but never opened again. The newspaper could not operate as usual in the paralyzing atmosphere created by a comprehensive probe into its activities by the tax service and other agencies. The probe was launched at the end of December and was in progress all throughout January and February 2011. As a result, the newspaper was closed down.
Naryshkin not only retained his interests in the spirit drink market, but also successfully lobbied the interests of his vodka producing line through having his people appointed to the relevant committees of the federal parliament. For instance, the vodka market issue in the Duma is now supervised by Viktor Zvagelsky, the owner of one of the largest vodka distilleries in Moscow region, Naryshkin’s protégé and colleague in the spirit drink market, who now is the deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on economic policies. It is Naryshkin who lobbied for Zvagelsky to get the position as chairman of the committee. But he failed, as Vyacheslav Volodin, the current first deputy of the Presidential Administration head, managed to have Igor Rudensky, his political ally in the bloc Fatherland – All Russia they used to be members of, appointed to the mentioned position. However, Zvagelsky is still eager to head the committee.
Source: The Moscow Post, 1 March 2012
In the 90s Morozov headed the police of Dimitrovgrad (he was the head of the UVD for Dimitrovgrad), later he became the city mayor. It emerged at that time that he had close ties with Yury Kachmazov’s SOK corporate group that controlled a number of industrial firms in Dimitrovgrad.
SOK sponsored Morozov's election campaign in December 2004. Morozov won only in the second round of elections, despite the support of influencial United Russiaparty and the telegramm in support of Morozov which president Putin sent in the midst of the campaign.
After his victory a number of executives from SOK got offices in the administration of the Ulyanovsk Region. President of SOK Rustem Shiyanov became a representative of the Ulyanovsk Region in the Federation Council (upper house of the Russian parliament). In 2005 Morozov was invited to a birthday party of chairman of the board of SOK Yury Kachmazov and stroke other guests by a pig which he brought as a birthday present.
Source: Gazeta.Ru, 13 March 2006
In 2005 Morozov found himself in the midst of the scandal. During election campaign for the post of the governor, Morozov demonstrated commitment to family values, and expressed love to his wife Lyudmila and his family. After the poll, it turned up he had broken the bond of marriage in 2001. This did not prevent him from playing head of the happy family in 2004.
His second marriage was kept in secret. He arrived at the office of civil registration in Ulyanovsk's Zasviyazhsky district from the airport to where he accomponied Russian agriculture minister Aleksey Gordeev. Naking pictures was not allowed at the nuptials. Governor's new wife is reported to be 20 years younger than him and come from Dimitrovgrad where Morozov held a post of mayor.
Source: Izvestiya, 20 July 2006
In 2005 Yury Kogan, member of the State Duma, Oleg Goryachev, member of the Ulyanovsk Region Legislative Council and Viktor Moiseev, leader of Our Motherlandpolitical group, criticized policy of the governor in the open letter, addressed to Sergey Morozov. They reproached the governor for «spinning» himself and pushing the interests of SOK Group by inviting managers of the company to his team. A spokesman of the governor said that Morozov had always built a “solidary team of professionals who shared common ideas and values of honesty and integrity”.
Source: Kommersant, 15 June 2005
In January 2007 head of the governor’s apparatus Aleksandr Bolshakov has handed in his resignation to the governor. Before joining the governor team Bolshakov headed the most secretive unit of SOK Group - control and revision directorate. He supervised business activity of the enterprises which formed the corporate group. His methods betrayed old school of the KGB. He was an inquisitor hunting for apostates.
Half a year later Bolshakov again found himself in the governor’s team. He was appointed deputy head of the administration of the region and head of the election staff of the United Russia political party.
Source: Vokrug novostey, 11 October 2007
Soon after the inauguration Sergey Morozov was hit by a major scandal. It emerged that Anatoly Ozernov, deputy governor, ordered the governor’s bodyguards to attack journalist Sergey Krasilnikov when he was filming the inaugurational banquet in honor of Morozov. Krasilnikov wanted to film dishes and drinks, served at the banquet, and show the tax-payers how their representatives spent state funds.
Source: 73online.ru, 08 April 2011
Morozov was sworn into office in the hall of the Lenin Memorial museum. About 1200 guest were invited. Besides the official ceremony, the attending guests listened to the famous choir of Michael Turetsky and had a banquet.
Previous inauguration ceremony in 2005 took place in the hall of the Palace of Book with just 500 guests. In 2006 when Morozov was reappointed as the governor he chose meeting room of the regional administration for the inauguration.
Source: Kasparov.Ru, 11 March 2011
In 2010 vice-president of SOK corporate group Sergey Fanin resigned from all his posts in the company. In 2011 he was appointed an advisor to governor Morozov. Fanin was reported to advise on infrastructural and road building issues.
In April 2011 due to re-appointment of Morozov, Rustem Shiyanov, ex-president ofSOK corporate group, resigned as a member of the Federation Council. Political analysts say that his resignation may have been triggered by “governor’s unwillingness” to continue cooperation with SOK. Morozov has been reported to receive support from this corporation.
Source: Ekspert Online, 25 April 2011